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History
Portuguese rule
Map of Cabinda
Portuguese explorers, missionaries and traders arrived at the mouth of the Congo River in the mid-fifteenth century, making contact with the Manikongo, the powerful King of the Congo. The Manikongo controlled much of the region through affiliation with smaller kingdoms, such as the Kingdoms of Ngoyo, Loango and Kakongo in present-day Cabinda.
Over the years, the Portuguese, Dutch, and English established trading posts, logging camps and small palm oil processing factories in Cabinda. Trade continued and the European presence grew, resulting in conflicts between the rival colonial powers , natural palm oil .
Portugal first claimed sovereignty over Cabinda in the February 1885 Treaty of Simulanbuco, which gave Cabinda the status of a protectorate of the Portuguese Crown under the request of he princes and governors of Cabinda. This is often the basis upon which the legal and historical arguments in defence of self-determination of modern-day Cabinda are constructed. Article 1, for example, states, he princes and chiefs and their successors declare, voluntarily, their recognition of Portuguese sovereignty, placing under the protectorate of this nation all the territories by them governed [sic]. Article 2, which is often used in separatist arguments, goes even further: ortugal is obliged to maintain the integrity of the territories placed under its protection. FLEC-R case, for instance, rests on the fact that the above-mentioned treaty was signed between the emissaries of the Portuguese Crown and the princes and notables of Cabinda, giving rise to not one, but three protectorates: Cacongo, Loango and Ngoio , tuscany olive oil .
Through the Treaty of Simulambuco in 1885 between the kings of Portugal and Cabinda’s princes, a Portuguese protectorate was decreed, reserving rights to the local princes and independent of Angola. Cabinda once had the Congo River as the only natural boundary with Angola, but in 1885, the Conference of Berlin extended the Congo Free State’s territory along the Congo River to the river’s mouth at the sea.
Under Portuguese rule, the territory of Cabinda developed as an important agricultural and forestry centre, and in 1967 it discovered huge offshore oil fields. Oil, timber and cocoa were its main exports by then. The town of Cabinda, the capital of the territory was a Portuguese administrative and services centre with a port and airfield. The beaches of Cabinda were popular among the Portuguese Angolans.
After independence of Angola from Portugal
A 1974 leftist military coup in Lisbon changed the Portuguese regime and led to the independence of all Portuguese Overseas Provinces in Africa, and many Portuguese settlers in Cabinda stepped out. In 1975, the Treaty of Alvor integrated Cabinda into Angola, but this treaty was rejected by all Cabindan political organizations. These organizations argue that because they had no input on the document, it was, and is, illegal, and therefore does not bind them to Angola.[dubious discuss][citation needed]
Economy
Consisting largely of tropical forest, Cabinda produces hardwoods, coffee, cocoa, crude rubber and palm oil. The product for which it is best known, however, is its oil. Conservative estimates are that Cabinda accounts for close to 60% of Angola oil production, estimated at approximately 900,000 barrels a day, and it is estimated that oil exports from the province are worth the equivalent of US$100,000 per annum for every Cabindan. Yet, it remains one of the poorest provinces in Angola. An agreement in 1996 between the national and provincial governments stipulated that 10% of Cabinda taxes on oil revenues should be given back to the province, but Cabindans often feel that these revenues are not benefiting the population as a whole, largely because of corruption. The private sector, particularly the oil industry, has both affected and been affected by the secessionist conflict. During the early days of Cabinda’s struggle, the oil companies were perceived to be sympathetic to, if not supportive of, Cabinda self-determination cause. The strategy used by the separatists to gain international attention, was most evident in 1999 and 2000. During 1999, FLEC-R kidnapped four foreign workers (two Portuguese and two French citizens), but released them after several months, having failed to attract the attention of the international community. FLEC-FAC also increased its activities during 2000 with the more widely publicized kidnapping of three Portuguese workers employed by a construction company, while FLEC-R kidnapped another five Portuguese civilians. These hostages were not freed until June 2001, following the diplomatic intervention of the governments of Gabon and Congo Brazzaville.
Secessionism
A secessionist movement, the Front for the Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda (FLEC) actively campaigned for independence, fighting against Portuguese colonial authorities during the War for Independence and the MPLA during Angola’s civil war.
In the early 1960s, several movements advocating a separate status for Cabinda came into being. The MLEC (Movement for the Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda) was formed in 1960 under the leadership of Luis Ranque Franque. Resulting from the merger of various migr associations in Brazzaville, the MLEC rapidly became the most prominent of the separatist movements. A further group was the Alliama (Alliance of the Mayombe), representing the Mayombe, a small minority of the population. In an important development, these movements united in August 1963 to form a common, united front. They called themselves the FLEC (Front for the Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda), and the leadership role was taken by the MLEC Ranque Franque. However, in marked contrast with the FNLA, the FLEC efforts to mobilize international support for its government in exile met with little success. In fact, the majority of Organization of African Unity (OAU) members, concerned that this could encourage separatism elsewhere on the continent and duly committed to the sanctity of African state borders, firmly rejected recognition of the FLEC government in exile.
Later, in the course of Angola’s turbulent decolonisation process, Ranque Franque proclaimed the independence of the “Republic of Cabinda” in Kampala on 1 August 1975 at an OAU summit which was discussing Angola at that precise moment. Zairian President Mobutu Sese Seko called for a referendum on the future of the Cabinda. Lopes is reported to have said at the time that “Cabinda exists as a reality and is historically and geographically different from Angola.”
FLEC formed a provisional government led by Henriques Tiago. The independence of Cabinda from Portugal was proclaimed on 1 August 1975. Luiz Branque Franque was elected president. After the declaration of Angolan independence in November 1975, Cabinda was invaded by forces of the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) with support of troops from Cuba. The MPLA overthrew the provisional FLEC government and incorporated Cabinda into Angola. FLEC has continued its political and military struggle for Cabindan independence since the invasion, with little success. FLEC has since split into several groups, some urging violent resistance, and some peaceful resistance.
The regional context changed dramatically in the late 1990s, particularly in Congo-Brazzaville and the Congo-Kinshasa a change that was actively pursued by Luanda. If previous regimes (particularly that of Pascal Lissouba in Brazzaville, which actively supported it materially and diplomatically[citation needed]) had been sympathetic to the Cabinda cause, this situation does not pertain today.
Thus when, in January 1975, Angola three liberation movements (MPLA, FNLA and UNITA) met with the colonial power in Alvor, Portugal, to establish the modalities of the transition to independence, FLEC was not invited. Subsequently, and for much of the 1970s and 1980s, FLEC operated a low intensity, guerrilla war, attacking Angolan government troops and economic targets or creating havoc by kidnapping foreign employees working in the province oil and construction businesses. In fact, for the first 15 years of Angola independence, the government had, at any point, approximately 2,000 troops stationed in Cabinda[citation needed].
In April 1997, Cabinda joined the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization, a democratic and international organization whose members are indigenous peoples, occupied nations, minorities and independent states or territories.
An ad-hoc United Nations commission for human rights in Cabinda reported in 2003 that many atrocities had been perpetrated by the MPLA. In 2004, according to Peter Takirambudde, executive director of the Human Rights Watch mission for Africa, the Angolan army continued to commit crimes against civilians in Cabinda.
Although the Angolan government says FLEC is no longer operative, this is disputed by the Republic of Cabinda and its President, Antonio Luis Lopes. Recent hikes in oil prices have made Cabinda’s untapped onshore oil reserves a valuable commodity. Both the Republic of Cabinda and Angola have awarded onshore oil and gas leases.
Ethnic arguments for self-determination
The set of arguments for self-determination is based on Cabindans’ cultural and ethnic specificity. Prior to the Treaty of Simulambuco, three main kingdoms existed in what is now referred to as Cabinda: Cacongo, Ngoyo and Loango. From an ethnic point of view, the Cabindans belong to the Bakongo ethnicity and the Kikongo ethno-linguistic group. The Bakongo comprise the majority of the population in both Uige and Zaire Provinces of Angola. However,…
